The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was seen as arguably the most significant occupants of that office in US history. While numerous second-in-commands were confined to peripheral or symbolic functions, Cheney exercised huge sway during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was often called as the "actual president".
Bush resented that description and claimed the connection was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, invariably addressing him in official appearances as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even portrayals of their relationship as a collaboration because it implied that they were equals. In spite of such protestations, Cheney considered the relaxed president malleable on a whole raft of governmental choices.
A Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a faction of neo-cons that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the downing of any non-communicating airplanes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney stated the attacks altered his perspective, leading him to become determined on revenge. In conjunction with other neo-cons, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, nor about the harsh treatment of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on misleading intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It represented the proper decision to do then. I had faith then and I hold that view presently."
But even then, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I observed, as a baseline," he later wrote "obvious failure, inaction, and unaccountability: at worst, deception, unfitness, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq military action. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had drafted a memorandum setting out scenarios in which national priorities might be compromised (encompassing "access to crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be positioned to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," specifically citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the White House somewhat determined on implementing what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of lowering America's participation in the Middle East dispute and mooted armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a conspiracy to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his predecessor's countenance that each person had to walk over.
Investigation Approaches
However it was Cheney who was among the most vehement behind invading Iraq, repeatedly citing information documents that were either insubstantial or entirely misleading. He endorsed what the Bush White House politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the findings as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and establish initiatives to catch the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it never happened again. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of credit."
Public Persona
Cheney enjoyed labels assigned to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a dark force controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the shadows that operates invisibly emerge from his hole? That is a effective way to function, actually."
Business Interests
Debate over his corporate affiliations followed him through his period as second-in-command. Although he had little experience in business but strong connections in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US agreements valued at substantial sums.
It made him rich. His yearly compensation during his period at the corporation grew from his $258,394 during his time as defence secretary to over four million. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package totaling more than $20m|twenty
